Civil Disobedience
亨利·大卫·梭罗 / Henry David Thoreau
亨利·大卫·梭罗（1817—1862），杂文家、诗人、自然主义者、改革家和哲学家。生于马萨诸塞州的康科德，毕业于哈佛大学，曾担任中学校长。1846年7月，梭罗居住在瓦尔登湖边时，当地的警官找到他，让他支付投票税，尽管数年来他已经行使了这项权利，但是梭罗拒绝支付税款。当夜，警官把他关在康科德的监狱里。第二天，梭罗的姨母帮他缴清税款，他便获释了。不过，他表明了他的观点：他不能向一个容许奴隶制存在并且侵略他国（墨西哥）的政府交税。他于1849年发表了下面这篇演说稿，为自己的行为进行辩护。当时，这篇文章没有引起什么反响。但是到了19世纪末，这篇文章却成为公认的经典之作，并赢得国际性的声誉。列夫·托尔斯泰、圣雄甘地、马丁·路德·金等人都对它推崇备至。
Ace in the Hole
Understand these new words before you read this article.
1. systematically adv. 有组织地； 有计划地； 有条不紊地
2. inexpedient adj. 不妥当的； 不适当的； 不明智的
3. sanction n. 批准， 认可
4. monarchy n. 君主统治， 君主制度；君主国
I heartily accept the motto， “That government is best which governs least” ， and I should like to see it acted up to more rapidly and systematically. Carried out， it finally amounts to this， which also I believe， “That government is best which governs not at all” ， and when men are prepared for it， that will be the kind of government which the will have. Government is at best but an expedient； but most governments are usually， and all governments are sometimes， inexpedient. The objections which have been brought against a standing army， and they are many and weighty， and deserve to prevail， may also at last be brought against a standing government. The standing army is only an arm of the standing government. The government itself， which is only the mode which the people have chosen to execute their will， is equally liable to be abused and perverted before the people can act through it. Witness the present Mexican war， the work of comparatively a few individuals using the standing government as their tool； for in the outset， the people would not have consented to this measure.
This American government—what is it but a tradition， though a recent one， endeavoring to transmit itself unimpaired to posterity， but each instant losing some of its integrity？ It has not the vitality and force of a single living man； for a single man can bend it to his will. It is a sort of wooden gun to the people themselves. But it is not the less necessary for this； for the people must have some complicated machinery or other， and hear its din， to satisfy that idea of government which they have. Governments show thus how successfully men can be imposed upon， even impose on themselves， for their own advantage. It is excellent， we must all allow. Yet this government never of itself furthered any enterprise， but by the alacrity with which it got out of its way. It does not keep the country free. It does not settle the West. It does not educate. The character inherent in the American people has done all that has been accomplished； and it would have done somewhat more， if the government had not sometimes got in its way. For government is an expedient， by which men would fain succeed in letting one another alone； and， as has been said， when it is most expedient， the governed are most let alone by it. Trade and commerce， if they were not made of Indian Rubber， would never manage to bounce over obstacles which legislators are continually putting in their way； and if one were to judge these men wholly by the effects of their actions and not partly by their intentions， they would deserve to be classed and punished with those mischievious persons who put obstructions on the railroads.
But， to speak practically and as a citizen， unlike those who call themselves no overnment men， I ask for， not at one no government， but at once a better government. Let every man make known what kind of government would command his respect， and that will be one step toward obtaining it.
After all， the practical reason why， when the power is once in the hands of the people， a majority are permitted， and for a long period continue， to rule is not because they are most likely to be in the right， nor because this seems fairest to the minority， but because they are physically the strongest. But a government in which the majority rule in all cases can not be based on justice， even as far as men understand it. Can there not be a government in which the majorities do not virtually decide right and wrong， but conscience？ —In which majorities decide only those questions to which the rule of expediency is applicable？ Must the citizen ever for a moment， or in the least degree， resign his conscience to the legislator？ Why has every man a conscience then？ I think that we should be men first， and subjects afterward. It is not desirable to cultivate a respect for the law， so much as for the right. The only obligation which I have a right to assume is to do at any time what I think right.